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Nato allies would be forced to step-up their efforts Mr Trump said that as president he would call a Nato summit to pressure allies who had failed to hit spending targets and move the focus of the bloc away from Russia and onto terrorism and migration. We cherish the same values. We face the same adversaries. We must share the same determination. After a major terrorist attack, every society faces a choice between fear and resolve.

Therefore, we must choose resolve. And we must lead the world to meet this threat. Controleur aerien suisse anti aging persecute religious and ethnic minorities; kidnap and behead civilians; murder children.

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They systematically enslave, torture and rape women and girls. ISIS operates across three mutually reinforcing dimensions: a physical enclave in Iraq and Syria; an international terrorist network that includes affiliates across the region and beyond; and an ideological movement of radical jihadism. We have to target and defeat all three, and time is of the essence.


ISIS is demonstrating new ambition, reach and capabilities. But we have learned that we can score victories over terrorist leaders and networks, only to face metastasizing threats down the road, so we also have to play and win the long game. An immediate war against controleur aerien suisse anti aging urgent enemy and a generational struggle against an ideology with deep roots will not be easily torn out.

It will require sustained commitment in every pillar of American power. This is a worldwide fight, and American must lead it. Our strategy should have three main elements.

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One, defeat ISIS in Syria, Iraq and across the Middle East; two, disrupt and dismantle the growing terrorist infrastructure that facilitates the flow of fighters, financing arms and propaganda around the world; three, harden our defenses and those of our allies against external and homegrown threats.

Let me start with the campaign to defeat ISIS across the region.

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The United States and our international coalition has been conducting this fight for more than a year. That starts with a more effective coalition air campaign, with more allied planes, more strikes and a broader target set. A key obstacle standing in the way is a shortage of good intelligence about ISIS and its operations, so we need an immediate intelligence surge in the region, including technical assets, Arabic speakers with deep expertise in the Middle East and even closer partnership with regional intelligence services.

Our goal should be to achieve the kind of penetration we accomplished with Al Qaida in the past. A more effective coalition air campaign is necessary, but not sufficient, and we should be honest about the fact that to be successful, airstrikes will have to be combined with ground forces actually taking back more territory from ISIS.

Like President Obama, I do not believe that we should again haveAmerican troops in combat in the Middle East. That is just not the smart move to make here.

We can help them, and we should, but we cannot substitute for them. But we can and should support local and regional ground forces in carrying out this mission. Now, the obstacles to achieving this are significant. As part of that process, we may have to give our own troops advising and training the Iraqis greater freedom of movement and flexibility, including embedding in local units and helping target airstrikes. Ultimately, however, a ground campaign in Iraq will only succeed if more Iraqi Sunnis join the fight.

In the first Sunni awakening inwe were able to provide sufficient support and assurances controleur aerien suisse anti aging the Sunni tribes to persuade them to join us in rooting out Al Qaida.

So the task of bringing Sunnis off the sidelines into this new fight will be considerably more difficult.

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But nonetheless, we need to lay the foundation for a second Sunni awakening. We need to put sustained pressure on the government in Baghdad to get its political house in order, move forward with national reconciliation, and finally stand up a national guard.

On the Syrian side, the big obstacle to getting more ground forces to engage ISIS, beyond the Syrian Kurds who are already deep in the fight, is that the viable Sunni opposition groups remain understandably preoccupied with fighting Assad who, let us remember, has killed many more Syrians than the terrorists have. But they are increasingly under threat from ISIS as well.

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So we need to move simultaneously toward a political solution to the civil war that paves the way for a new government with new leadership, and to encourage more Syrians to take on ISIS as well. To support them, we should immediately deploy the special operations force President Obama has already authorized, and be prepared to deploy more as more Syrians get into the fight.

And we should retool and ramp up our efforts to support and equip viable Syrian opposition units. Our increased support should go hand in hand with increased support from our Arab and European partners, including special forces who can contribute to the fight on the ground.

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We should also work with the coalition and the neighbors to impose no-fly zones that will stop Assad from slaughtering civilians and the opposition from the air. Opposition forces on the ground, with material support from the coalition, could then help create safe areas where Syrians could remain in the country, rather than fleeing toward Europe. This combined approach would help enable the opposition to retake the remaining stretch of the Turkish border from ISIS, choking off its supply lines.

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It would also give us new leverage in the diplomatic process that Secretary Kerry is pursuing. But we have models for how seemingly intractable multi-sectarian civil wars do eventually end. We can learn lessons from Lebanon and Bosnia about what it will take. And Russia and Iran have to face the fact that continuing to prop up a vicious dictator will not bring stability. Now, to be clear, though, there is an important role for Russia to help in resolving the conflict in Syria.

And we have indicated a willingness to work with them toward an outcome that preserves Syria as a unitary, nonsectarian state, with protections for the rights of all Syrians and to keep key state institutions intact. Now, much of this strategy on both sides of the border hinges on the roles of our Arab and Turkish partners.

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And we must get them to carry their share of the burden, with military intelligence and financial contributions, as well as using their influence with mediskin anti aging and tribes in Iraq and Syria.

Countries like Jordan have offered more, and we should take them up on it, because ultimately our efforts will only succeed if the Arabs and Turks step up in a much bigger way. This is their fight and they need to act like it. And to be fair, Turkey has a long and painful history with Kurdish terrorist groups.

But the threat from ISIS cannot wait. So we have to work out a common approach.

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In September, I laid out a comprehensive plan to counter Iranian influence across the region and its support for terrorist proxies such as Hezbollah and Hamas. Regional politics are too interwoven. Raising the confidence of our Arab partners and raising the costs to Iran for bad behavior will contribute to a more effective fight against ISIS. And as we work out a broader regional approach, we should, of course, be closely consulting with Israel, our strongest ally in the Middle East.

Israel increasingly shares with our Arab partners and has the opportunity to do more in intelligence and joint efforts as well. Now, we should have no illusions about how difficult the mission before us really is.

We have to fit a lot of pieces together, bring along a lot of partners, move on multiple fronts at once. And to support this campaign, Congress should swiftly pass an updated authorization to use military force. That will send a message to friend and foe alike that the United States is committed to this fight. The time for delay is over. We should get this done. Now, the second element of our strategy looks beyond the immediate battlefield of Iraq and Syria, to disrupt and dismantle global terrorist infrastructure on the ground and online.

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A terror pipeline that facilitates the flow of fighters, financing, arms and propaganda around the world has allowed ISIS to strike at the heart of Paris last week and an Al Qaida controleur aerien suisse anti aging to do the same at Charlie Hebdo earlier this year.

ISIS is working hard to extend its reach, establish affiliates and cells far from its home base, and despite the significant setbacks it has encountered, not just with ISIS and its ambitious plans, but even Al Qaida, including the death of Osama bin Laden, they are still posing great threats to so many.

Most urgent is stopping the flow of foreign fighters to and from the war zones of the Middle East. Their western passports make it easier for them to cross borders and eventually return home radicalized and battle hardened.

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Stemming this tide will require much better coordination and information-sharing among countries every step of the way. We should not stop pressing until Turkey, where most foreign fighters cross into Syria, finally locks down its border. The United States and our allies need to know and share the identities of every fighter who has traveled to Syria.

We also have to be smart and target interventions that will have the greatest impact. For example, we need a greater focus on shutting down key enablers who arrange transportation, documents and more.